Cote d'Ivoire : The Struggle of the People of Côte d'Ivoire


Well-Known Member
Nov 14, 2007
Finally, Gbagbo did what the patriots of Côte d'Ivoire, the youngs, the military, and the people in general ask for: TELL THE U.N and FRANCE TO LEAVE THAT COUNTRY ALONE.

I'll make a brief summary of the situation in this country,since this is the French area, you can't get real news in english about what's going on:

On september 2002 a putsch failed to overthrow president Laurent Koudou Gbagbo who was elected by the people of Côte d'Ivoire. The mercenaries who did that coup failed and went north where they manage to take over,thus the situation is that since this date that country is divided between the North and the South.Who is the behind that coup? Everyone know that Allassane Ouattara is behind that coup,is the man that western countries present as the president of this country....But who is behind him? Of course france...

Most west african countries are not really independent, they are neo colonial states under the pawn of french imperialism: they all have the same money called franc CFA which mean french african colonies franc,politically most president are chosen by france,those who disobey massa are killed like Sankara for example.

Going back to CI,something very important in november 2004: The loyal army was about to regain control over the whole territory but somehow they had bombarded a french military bases,nine soldier died.Immediately france destroy the whole air force and attacked the presidential palace. After that thousands of ivoirians ask for them to leave the country, and then the drama happen: french soldiers shot at people and killed brutally 60 people,mostly youth.

So i don't have the time to explain the complexity of the situation but to sum up: the truth is that what you have right now is war between France and western country against the sovereignty of an african nation. The actual president is not necessarily an pan african like Nkrumah,Sankara etc...but is not a dictator like they portray him in the media. So be aware of western propaganda,don't put negative thoughts when you see or heard about that country. If the people of Cote d'Ivoire win this war,it will be the end of french imperialism in Africa.So don't wish bad things for them,pray and hope for the destruction of western civilization and for all them corrupt black sellout uncle toms who are with them!​


Well-Known Member
Nov 14, 2007
November 2004

^^and this what will happen again,it is a pity to see other african states behind france and the Us!


Well-Known Member
Nov 14, 2007

^^^they want to murder people to put that dude and his jewish women into power.That guy has worked for the IMF,thus everybody can understand why YT support him so much.

At least Gbagbo has respect for his countrywomen by having a african woman beside him

Enough of all them african president who don't even respect african women!


Well-Known Member
Nov 14, 2007
Fresh news: here are the proofs that the U.N is aiding the rebels against the government of CI although that organization is supposed to be neutral. And it was filmed by french media who did not even notice their mistakes lmao. The devil is dumb in those last days!

^^As you can see the rebels are wearing the colors of the UN

The United Nations and the Politics of the Absurd

Two days ago, a video featured on a French news channel (TF1) showed combat troops geared in UN issued uniforms fighting side by side with Ouattara’s rebel army opposed to the Ivorian Defense and Security Forces. In their rush for sensational TV, the French media, usually so biased in its coverage of Cote d’Ivoire, failed to edit this crucial evidence. Viewers in all four corners of the world witnessed, once again, the duplicity of the United Nations. The UNOCI’s representative’s contortions to clarify the UN position could only convince the hardcore anti-Gbagboians for whom, since Hitler, the world has known no greater evil than Gbagbo. The reality is that the United Nations Organization is once again beating its own record of incompetence, corruption and partiality. We would have laughed at the UN’s politics of the absurd if only millions of lives were not at stake, if another orchestrated Rwanda were not lurking at the gate of Cote d’Ivoire. What is the UN’s mandate in Cote d’Ivoire supposed to be, and what is it really on the ground? In public, the UN Resolution 1528 of February 2004 is advertised as a mandate to disarm and disband the rebel army that attacked the legal institutions of Cote d’Ivoire, occupying the Northern half of the country, and to accompany the political and military protagonists toward reconciliation and the unification of the country. In a report dated September 30, 2010, the UNOCI declared to have fulfilled its disarmament mission, insisting that the rebels no longer had any ammunition, and that all that remained was the reconciliation and reunification facets of its operation, which would be accomplished through democratic elections. Nothing could be far from the truth:

* Following his own unorthodox notion of democracy, the UN’s representative in Cote d’Ivoire (Choi) overstepped his mandate and validated fallacious elections results concocted in the laboratories of Françafrique and its African valets (let’s remember that on the night of the lingering election results, French militaries attempted unsuccessfully to deliver a personal letter by Sarkozy to Youssouf Bakayoko, the chairman of the “independent” electoral commission. The following day, the UNOCI transported Mr. Bakayoko to Mr. Ouattara’s headquarter at the “Golf Hotel” to announce, on French TV, belated, and thus unconstitutional results in favor of Mr. Ouattara). Mr. Choi’s unconventional decision, made in utter disdain for the Ivorian Constitution, the Ivorian electoral procedures, and the Ivorian people, and appropriately rejected by the Ivorian Constitutional Council, complicated an already volatile situation, and deepened the social chasm in Cote d’Ivoire by further emboldening the protagonists.
* When Mr. Ouattara and his parallel government call on their supporters to march on the institutions of Cote d’Ivoire and to engage in acts of civil disobedience, it is the United Nations’ radio channel in Cote d’Ivoire, Radio ONUCI-FM, emulating Radio Mille Collines in Rwanda, that dispatches the information on the air.
* In Yamoussoukro, vehicles painted with the acronyms of the ONUCI were reported to transport Ouattara’s protesters to several gathering sites.
* In Abidjan, Ouattara’s rebel army, which according to the UNOCI’s own report was disarmed, was filmed fighting side by side with UN soldiers; and their sophisticated artillery belies contradict the UN’s declarations.

There is no question that the UN has lost all credibility a long time ago. What is mindboggling is why leaders with a minimum of judgment would engage in the UN’s politics of the absurd.


Well-Known Member
Nov 14, 2007
A good letter which resume the situation perfectly, im glad that i find alternative news for y'all!

Open Letter to President Barack H. Obama

Mr. President,

On November 28, 2010, the people of Cote d’Ivoire casted their ballots in the second round of a presidential election to democratically elect their leader and put an end to eight years of tears and sufferings that are the outcome of a 2002 failed coup. This failed coup, transmuted into a rebellion, has since split Cote d’Ivoire into a legalist South and rebellious North. The verdict of last November’s election validated and proclaimed by the Constitutional Council of Cote d’Ivoire is now being challenged by Mr. Ouattara and his rebel group who boast of having your official unction. The present situation in Cote d’Ivoire is one more consequence of an ineffective, partial, business-driven, and contradictory United Nations Organization that, especially in Africa, has always promised one thing, achieved the opposite, thrown its hands in the air, and left after having wreaked havoc. In Cote d’Ivoire, after its blatant failure to disarm a rebel group, the UNOCI is now maneuvering to impose that rebel group to the people of Cote d’Ivoire as legitimate substitution to the legal authority.

Mr. President, I am afraid that your support for Mr. Alassane Ouattara, who claims victory from a hotel room in Abidjan, surrounded by the main actors of the Northern rebellion that by most observers’ accounts have perpetrated the most atrocious human abuses in Cote d’Ivoire, not only adds to the incongruity of the circumstances that have progressively lent legitimacy to the lawless insurgents that have attacked the legal institutions Cote d’Ivoire in 2002, but also discourages democracy in Africa by shunning President Laurent Gbagbo, one of the rare leaders on the continent willing to govern on constitutional bases, that is, on the foundation of democracy. Mr. President, I am certainly far too ill-positioned to dare to instruct you in the principles of democracy. I believe, however, that the anchor for any democratic society should remain that society’s constitution. One can debate on the quality of such and such constitutions—and, on this matter, no constitution can pass the test of flawlessness—but it is unquestionably with a minimum of respect for the laws erected by its nation that a people starts its successful march toward a democratic system.

Mr. President, when on December 4, 2010, after reviewing the detailed reports of massive electoral frauds, the Constitutional Council, which is the highest authority on electoral matters, invalidated the contentious votes, and reached a final decision that declared incumbent President Laurent Gbagbo the winner of the presidential elections in Cote d’Ivoire, the Council was upholding its constitutional duty. That duty is to resolve electoral inconsistencies, validate the final results and proclaim the winner. Mr. President, one can argue that a law is unjust, but one cannot take upon oneself to violate it on the basis of that argument and still pretend to be in synch with the state that erected that law. By rejecting the decision of the Constitutional Council, by circumventing all due process, by transporting the President of the Election Committee to his election headquarter to anoint him winner of the elections in the absence of the other members of the committee, and by organizing for himself a parallel presidential investiture ceremony in a hotel room in order to throw uncertainty in the free process, Mr. Ouattara, as has been his standard practice, has shown profound disdain for the laws of a country that he aspires to lead as much as he is undermining democracy in Cote d’Ivoire. With all due respect Mr. President, Mr. Ouattara’s reckless disregard for due process and legality, as displayed in his multiple rogue postures that undercut Africa’s efforts toward democracy, does not merit that one lend it legitimacy. For memory, when the Supreme Court in the U.S. gave its verdict in favor of President Bush in settling an electoral crisis, Mr. Gore submitted to this highest authority. He did not withdraw at the Four Seasons Hotel in Washington, D.C., to defy the American Supreme Court’s verdict with a self-proclamation and a parallel oath-taking. One cannot continue to appreciate African realities with a set of standards that are antithetic to democracy, that encourage lawlessness, and, at the same time, urge that Africans live by the principles of democracy. Is it not paradoxical that most of the heads of state of the African Union who, in a circumfession to the European Union, are clamoring for Mr. Ouattara and isolating President Gbagbo have come to and maintained themselves in power through unorthodox methods? Are these autocrats the purveyors of the ethical measure we should want for the “Africa of the new Millennium”?

Mr. President, for being born in Cote d’Ivoire, for having lived there as long as I have lived in the United States, for having examined and written extensively on Cote d’Ivoire in particular and Africa in its relationships with the rest of the world in general, I believe that I can dare to call myself a scholar of African questions. As such, Mr. President, and with all due respect, allow me to say that on the Ivorian question, Most Ivorians have the perception that you have sided with the victimizer against the victim, with the unlawful against the lawful, with the undemocratic against the democratic. Observers of African politics will recognize that Mr. Gbagbo is a champion of democracy. His struggle for a multiparty system traces back thirty years. He fought President Felix Houphouet Boigny (the father of Ivorian independence) at a time when the expression “multiparty system” was still an incongruity in Ivorian politics. With his spouse and supporters he endured years of beating, prison, privation, torture, even under the leadership of Prime Minister Ouattara who, today, seeks to pass for a martyr of democracy. Mr. Gbagbo led his struggle with the force of arguments and protest marches, without once ordering a coup against his country. When he got elected in 2000, President Gbagbo invited all political leaders in exile to return to Cote d’Ivoire; he ushered in a government of national reconciliation that saw the participation of members of all political parties; he organized a forum of reconciliation to heal the country’s wounds–for indeed the country had gone trough profound divisions because of Ouattara’s, Bedie’s, and General Guei’s bloody struggles for succession. To reward President Gbagbo for his democratic wisdom, Mr. Ouattara sent him a rebellion that, since 2002, has interrupted President Gbagbo’s program of poverty reduction. Mr. President, time and space will not allow me to give full attention to Mr. Ouattara’s cyclical adherence to violence and undemocratic methods and to Mr. Gbagbo’s indefatigable struggle for democracy. I have amply discussed these matters elsewhere. Allow me, however, to register my deep puzzlement about your position in the Ivorian crisis. I do not understand your stance, though I fully understand President Sarkozy’s and France’s in general.

Being the official guarantor of the maintenance and prolongation of Françafrique, France’s exploitative relationship with Africa, as well as being a personal friend of the Ouattaras, President Sarkozy could hardly have acted otherwise. President Sarkozy, who, as the Mayor of Neuilly, officiated Mr. and Mrs. Ouattara’s wedding, and who was their guest of honor at that same wedding, is a good friend of the Ouattaras’. Mrs. Dominique Ouattara’s international businesses have some big clients of whom Martin Bouygues, the French king of concrete, Vincent Bolloré (business partner of Bouygues) king of cigarette paper and media—it was Bolloré who paid the new French president a vacation trip to Malta on his luxurious boat as a congratulation present after the 2006 French presidential election; it was he again who lent his private Falcon 900 to Sarkozy and his then new girlfriend Carla Bruni for their December 25, 2007 vacation trip to Egypt—and Dominique Strauss-Khan, former minister of finance of President Mitterrand and IMF president since 2007. Most of these businessmen have made immense fortunes in Cote d’Ivoire by acquiring, sometimes for a symbolic franc, former Ivorian state companies (water, electricity, railroads, etc.) which were privatized by Mr. Ouattara when the latter was Prime Minister of Cote d’Ivoire.

Indeed, Mr. Ouattara is not a newcomer in the Ivorian political arena. He had a chance to govern when, under pressure from the IMF, an indebted and crippled President Houphouet Boigny appointed him Prime Minister. Under Mr. Ouattara’s stewardship, most of the panel lights of the Ivorian economy turned hazardously red. Mr. Ouattara cut subsidies to farmers, as recommended by the WTO, while the European Union and the United States were, at the same time, heavily backing their own farmers financially; he dismissed more than 10,000 employees from the state payroll. Those who were lucky to keep their jobs saw their salaries reduced by 40 percent or were forced to accept an early retirement package. He reduced access to early education by freezing the recruitment of new teachers and by slashing teachers’ salaries in half. He closed students’ subsidized restaurants. He eliminated transportation and basic healthcare services for students. He imposed fees on the masses for basic healthcare services. He initiated the devaluation of the CFA at the rate of 100 CFA francs for 1 French franc. He instituted the highly controversial resident cards for foreigners, which was the source of much harassment toward foreign nationals coming from neighboring African countries. These measures, as it was to be expected, frustrated the masses even further, and workers and students’ demonstrations intensified; which, under his orders, were repressed in blood. Many students were killed and student, union, and opposition leaders, among whom, President Laurent Gbagbo, were jailed and tortured amidst international outcries and unsuccessful calls for an independent investigation.

Mr. President, I believe that Democracy entails good governance, which for Africa implies that the leaders of Africa should undertake a thorough inventory of the continent’s resources and rethink the exploitation of these resources within a design that takes as fundamental the welfare of the people on whose land these resources are located. It implies that Africa’s intellectuals take the core states at their words and bring some missing wisdom into the core states’ and their surrogate financial institutions’ conjectures about good governance by reminding them, constantly, that good governance has much to do with legitimate individual states identifying their people’s needs and fulfilling these needs without any duress exercised on them by the core states, without any financial blackmailing, without the martial installation of marionette regimes, but above all, without the cooptation of abandonment-neurotic national elites lured by the promise of Firstworldist enjoyment. This has been President Gbagbo’s struggle; a struggle for his people, which in my sense, is far from constituting a reason to shun him.

As an African leader concerned with France’s economic monopoly in his country and committed to his country’s betterment through economic independence that comes with the diversification of partnerships, President. Gbagbo is clearly a killjoy for the Françafrique, this most unhealthy master/slave relationship that France insists on having with its former colonies. Under the pretense of reciprocity, Françafrique is actually a criminal machine designed to ensure France’s position as a major world player by guaranteeing it privileged access to Africa’s agricultural and geological resources, by financing France’s expensive political life, and by positioning France as America’s preferred sub-contractor. Françafrique’s actions in Congo and Rwanda have shown us that Francafrique is not just a factory of economic genocide in Africa. It is also a factory of human genocide. To ask that France-African relationships rest on reciprocity is only fair. It should not constitute cause for manipulation and crucifixion. We should be guarded not to erect shrines to African fighters for social equality only after the fact, only after we have pushed them off the cliff of reciprocity.

With my highest regards,

Dr. Martial Frindéthié

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